{"id":1006477,"date":"2022-11-30T16:55:57","date_gmt":"2022-11-30T16:55:57","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/unpop.ces.uc.pt\/upsite\/?p=1006477"},"modified":"2022-12-22T20:16:44","modified_gmt":"2022-12-22T20:16:44","slug":"yes-populism-has-benefits-for-democracy","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/unpop.ces.uc.pt\/en\/yes-populism-has-benefits-for-democracy\/","title":{"rendered":"Yes! Populism has benefits for democracy"},"content":{"rendered":"
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By C\u00e9lia Lima Pelado
\n<\/strong><\/strong>2022-11-30<\/em><\/p>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

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This article is part of the UNPOP series – Unpacking Populism, published on a monthly basis and\u00a0<\/sub><\/em>edited by Cristiano Gianolla and Ma\u00edra Magalh\u00e3es Lopes.<\/sub><\/em><\/div>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n\n
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Political opponents and mainstream media tend to frame populism as a scourge that contaminates democracies and political discourse. I argue that this derogatory tendency to define populism is over-simplistic, because populism can also carry benefits for the development of democracy and not just corrupt it. To sustain this argument, I will outline some benefits to democracy, based on existing literature, and taking the case of Portugal as an example.<\/p>\n

Regardless of what populism is, or can be, it is still viewed as\u00a0an inherently bad phenomenon<\/u><\/a>\u00a0for (liberal) democracies around the world. This is because populism is described as a construct that emerges through a binary and polarising division of the world. Populism, at its very basic core, builds on the\u00a0opposition between \u2018the pure people\u2019 and \u2018the corrupt elites\u2019<\/u><\/a>. Populist leaders create an \u2018us\u2019 versus \u2018them\u2019 narrative. Right-wing populism takes a\u00a0nationalist turn, which can extend to nativism<\/u><\/a>, where \u2018us\u2019 is defined as the true and native people of the\u00a0nation<\/em>, and \u2018them\u2019, as the vilified \u2018others\u2019, encompassing elites, migrants and minorities. In this case, the\u00a0focus on social change<\/a><\/u>\u00a0targets other social groups aside from the elites and endures an\u00a0exclusionary approach<\/u><\/a>. On the other hand, left-wing populism tends to focus on a workers-versus-oligarchies oppositional framework, with the people on the bottom and the elites on the top, whilst offering, as a solution, a more socially\u00a0inclusive approach<\/u><\/a>\u00a0with\u00a0a focus on economic change<\/u><\/a>.<\/p>\n

However, this binary division of the world does not make populism an inherently bad thing. This division between \u2018us\u2019 and \u2018them\u2019 is very common in politics and is often used as\u00a0a tool to create a sense of identity<\/u><\/a>. As Harari puts it, the creation of collective identities is what, over centuries, has led us to cooperate with unknown individuals and it is only thanks to this that\u00a0Sapiens have managed to create large communities that can cooperate<\/u><\/a>. Similarly, in politics, this creation of identities allows socio-political groups of the same country to cooperate and relate to strangers through their shared ideology, allowing a separation between them and their political opponents for a better debate of ideas. Chantal Mouffe calls this agonism. However, in Portugal, this agonism has been moderate given the distribution of seats favouring mainstream parties;\u00a0since 2019, the parliament has been made up of 80% centre parties (PS and PSD), which increased to 85% in 2022<\/u><\/a>, taking away strength from both sides of the political spectrum. Also, the complicity between these two centre parties has increasingly reinforced the fading of political agonism.<\/p>\n

Mouffe argues that this consensus results in a moralisation of politics, framing certain parties, such as those identified as populist, as \u2018the enemy\u2019 within what she presents as the\u00a0neoliberal hegemony and its individualistic culture<\/u><\/a>. Populist parties are criticised because of the intense use of emotions, while for centuries political theory has underscored emotion against rationality. For Mouffe, we live in a democratic regime where rational deliberation has primacy and those mobilising emotions to respond to social demands are accused of wanting to destroy democracy. Thus, political agonism is demolished by\u00a0the liberal way of thinking, a \u2018liberal thought<\/u><\/a>\u2019 that underestimates the agonistic formation of identity in an adversarial, but not enmity sense.<\/p>\n

The intense and skilled use of emotions results in the fact that populist leaders and voters are commonly labelled as ‘mad’, as a way of delegitimising them from the rational political arena.\u00a0Emmy Eklund<\/u><\/a>\u00a0argues that emotions have always been used to exclude groups from political participation. Women, for example, were not allowed to vote because they were \u2018too emotional\u2019. However, this rationalist homogenisation of the political field concentrates on the centre and conveys a feeling that \u2018it\u2019s all the same\u2019 to the population. Politicians are merely seen as technocrats who are unable to relate to ordinary citizens\u2019 democratic demands.<\/p>\n

Considering voter abstention rates as a negative indicator of trust in democracy, we can see that since 2009, Portugal\u2019s abstention rate has increased by\u00a011.1% (from 40.3% in 2009 to 51.4% in 2019<\/u><\/a>) reaching the highest rate ever recorded. In 2022, the abstention lowered to 48.6%, this decline can be partly attributed to the emergence of the right-wing populist party CHEGA and its leader Andr\u00e9 Ventura on the Portuguese political scene. This may indicate that populist outlets can incite a higher voter turnout. Voting for or against CHEGA is not relevant to the argument, what matters is that political participation has increased. This is one of the benefits of populism for democracy,\u00a0as other international studies have also shown<\/u><\/a>.<\/p>\n

Sheri Berman argues that\u00a0populism is a symptom of the population’s dissatisfaction with democracy<\/u><\/a>. He and Mouffe show how the political context affects the appearance of populist leaders, starting with a socio-economic crisis, where leaders were unable to solve people’s problems, creating fertile ground for the rise of populist actors. In Portugal, like in other European countries, the economic crisis of 2008 was a turning point. The moment when the population needed their governments the most, but they were\u00a0unable to help due to the neoliberal ideas imposed by international institutions, including the EU<\/u><\/a>, which Portugal subscribed to. It is in this austerity context that Portugal faced new elections, with a centre right-wing coalition (PSD and CDS-PP) winning and taking up the challenge of leading the country through hard times. Suddenly, Portugal had no say in their internal policies, which led to what some authors call a “radicalisation of austerity”. In this climate, previous right-wing topics like migration and corruption took a back seat in the political discourse, with both parties moderating their speech.\u00a0This created a vacuum, as groups in society who were concerned about these issues ended up feeling marginalised.<\/u><\/a>\u00a0This set fertile ground for the emergence of voices like Andr\u00e9 Ventura’s, which grew due to the population\u2019s dissatisfaction with the central government. Ventura brought to the debate topics rejected by mainstream parties, such as corruption and the problems associated with immigration. Although Ventura is not unanimously considered an enemy, opposition to his political legitimacy is often raised by the left. For example, in 2021,\u00a0Ana Gomes requested the illegalisation of the CHEGA party<\/u><\/a>. Conversely,\u00a0PSD has already created a government with the indirect support of CHEGA in the Azores<\/u><\/a>\u00a0and, due to the voter turnout in the last legislative elections, it is predictable that they will need CHEGA to govern in the future (in 2022, PDS received 27.67% of the vote and CHEGA 7.18%<\/u><\/a>).<\/p>\n

Although CHEGA is marginalised in the political arena, its rise seems to be due to the use of emotions such as frustration and anger, through which it articulates social dissatisfaction. This is what\u00a0Cas Mudde describe as pathological normalcy<\/u><\/a>. The ideas espoused by populists are already ideas shared in the mainstream, albeit at a moderate level. Populists polarise social identities, shifting from socio-economic problems (e.g., unemployment) to refocus on sociocultural issues (e.g., Roma people and migrants) and this is where emotions are successfully mobilised. Thus, the populist mobilisation of emotion is a strategy to appeal for the resolution of economic-political issues that are contingent in society, however, misplacing them in the cultural perspective. This is the demagogic way in which populism uses emotions by giving simplistic \u2018cultural\u2019 solutions to complex \u2018socio-economic\u2019 problems.<\/p>\n

If it is wrong to use emotions to reinforce racism and xenophobia, it is necessary to consider that emotions are fundamental for people to feel heard in politics.\u00a0Mouffe calls them, \u2018passions\u2019 that create identifications and, above all, interest in pluralistic dynamic<\/u><\/a>s, without this, the debate becomes apathetic and uninteresting. For instance, during the\u00a0presidential elections in 2021, not only was Ventura the leader of interactions on Facebook and Twitter, but the interactions of the other candidates skyrocketed when they talked about him<\/u><\/a>. This shows how interesting and appealing Ventura seems to be to the population, because he provokes emotions in them. For some, it may be anger, and for others pride, but the fact is he is successfully drawing people into politics.<\/p>\n

Therefore, despite all the demoralisation and threat that populism may or may not bring to democracy, it offers some advantages. It increases political participation, by intensifying the agonism: first by contributing to the political debate with polarised ideas, with recourse to emotions\/passions; and second, by expanding involvement in democratic debates for people that feel marginalised and unheard. This disputes the reason-centrism of \u201cliberal thought\u201d. Populism allows for the expansion of democratic debates focusing on issues and perspectives that are marginalised in mainstream politics. The problematic issues arise when populism turns to the antagonistic creation of social identities, based on racism and xenophobia. To tackle this issue, mainstream politics should not disregard emotions present in society – thus leaving the space to extremist forces \u2013 but rather engage with them and seek to reposition them within the political realm on a non-dualistic plain with reason.<\/p>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

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\"\"<\/strong><\/sup><\/p>\n

C\u00e9lia Lima Pelado<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong>has a degree in International Relations from the Faculty of Economics of the University of Coimbra. She is currently a postgraduate student in Social Economy: Cooperativism, Mutualism and Solidarity at the Faculty of Economics of the University of Coimbra. She joined the project “UNPOP project – UNpacking POPulism: Comparing the formation of emotion narratives and their effects on political behaviour<\/em>“, coordinated by Dr. Cristiano Gianolla and Dr. Lisete M\u00f3nico, at the Centre for Social Studies, as a trainee in 2022. Main research interests: International Conflicts, Epistemologies of the South, Foreign Policy, Social Behaviour.<\/sup><\/p>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n\n\t\t<\/div> \n\t<\/div>\n\t<\/div> \n<\/div><\/div>\n

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Source: <\/strong>https:\/\/alicenews.ces.uc.pt\/index.php?lang=1&id=41295<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n\n\t\t\t<\/div> \n\t\t<\/div>\n\t<\/div> \n<\/div><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"By C\u00e9lia Lima Pelado 2022-11-30 This article is part of the UNPOP series - Unpacking Populism, published on a monthly basis and\u00a0edited by Cristiano Gianolla and Ma\u00edra Magalh\u00e3es Lopes. Political...","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":1006479,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[47],"tags":[],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nYes! Populism has benefits for democracy - UNPOP - UNpacking POPulism<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/unpop.ces.uc.pt\/en\/yes-populism-has-benefits-for-democracy\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Yes! 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