{"id":1007675,"date":"2023-02-28T11:45:37","date_gmt":"2023-02-28T11:45:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/unpop.ces.uc.pt\/?p=1007675"},"modified":"2023-03-31T11:55:10","modified_gmt":"2023-03-31T11:55:10","slug":"the-psychological-dynamics-of-far-right-populist-politics-prejudice-emotions-and-identity","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/unpop.ces.uc.pt\/en\/the-psychological-dynamics-of-far-right-populist-politics-prejudice-emotions-and-identity\/","title":{"rendered":"The Psychological Dynamics of Far Right Populist Politics: Prejudice, Emotions, and Identity"},"content":{"rendered":"
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By Juliana Tiemi Suguita, Laura Pimentel, Pedro Renda<\/div>\n

2023-2-28<\/em><\/p>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

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This article is part of the UNPOP series – Unpacking Populism, published on a monthly basis and\u00a0<\/sub><\/em>edited by Cristiano Gianolla and Ma\u00edra Magalh\u00e3es Lopes.<\/sub><\/em><\/div>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n\n
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It is fundamental to emphasize that psychology, contrary to what most people believe, expands beyond the study of individual behaviors to encompass collective phenomena. Sigmund Freud was concerned with this subject and stated that\u00a0psychology is simultaneously individual and social<\/u><\/a>. The ascension of populist leaders around the world in the 21st Century has been intriguing social scientists, including social psychologists and stresses the importance of studying psychological dynamics in politics. An\u00a0interdisciplinary perspectiv<\/u><\/a>e offers huge potential in helping answer one question that still echoes in the existing literature: to what degree does voting for populist supporters relate to individual processing systems of political information? In other words, how do psychological factors influence the rise and consolidation of populist forces? The aim of this article is to shed some light on the emotions that sustain prejudice and how they play a major role in the populist agenda. We argue that by instrumentalizing emotions, far-right populism fosters stereotypes, preconceived ideas and prejudices, which leads to political polarization and the degradation of democracy.<\/p>\n

According to Matthew Williams, prejudice is based on stereotypes; a set of characteristics given to a group sustained by generalizations and the categorization phenomenon.<\/u><\/a>\u00a0In the distant past, our ancestors developed a preference for members of the ingroup as a way to assure that their groups flourished.\u00a0Creating bonds and building trust was essential to survival<\/u><\/a>\u00a0and in order to do so, the human brain started to perceive members of outgroups as a threat, associating these \u201cothers\u201d with negative characteristics and emotions, such as\u00a0fear and anger<\/u><\/a>. Consequently, it led to a human tendency to favor people from their own group over members of outside groups.<\/p>\n

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Furthermore,\u00a0psychologists assume that concepts and ideas are grouped together in an associative network<\/u><\/a>. Therefore, when one concept is activated, associated ideas are activated as well, making the cluster easier to access by the subject. Highly practiced associations, the ones that are frequently accessed, might become automatically activated when pre-determined ideas are detected. These associations are mainly learnt through processes of socialization, which once they are consolidated, are immensely hard to deconstruct. Members of a group learn from ingroup beliefs, values and characteristics associated with other social groups. Therefore, the associations learnt within a given social group leads to an attitude of distrust towards members of other groups.\u00a0A study conducted with Princeton University students<\/u><\/a>\u00a0corroborates this thesis. For instance, when the sample of college students saw a person of a determined ethnic group or nationality, they associated the person with characteristics linked to that group; even though they did not know the particular subject.<\/p>\n

Despite the fact that there is no scholarly agreement on a definition of the populist phenomenon, it is possible to identify its\u00a0core characteristic in the binary division of the world into two opposing poles<\/u><\/a>: \u201cthe moral people” and \u201cthe corrupt others\u201d.\u00a0The core group, \u201cthe people\u201d is defined by both vertical and horizontal oppositions<\/u><\/a>: the first creates a distinction between the people and the corrupt elite or the political establishment, while the latter is responsible for contrasting the people and different social groups, usually minority groups. These minorities represent a threat to the identity and values of the good citizen, preventing the people from achieving plenitude. Therefore, the identity of \u201cthe people” and \u201cthe other” are politically constructed; sustained by a relationship of antagonism: a conflict between the powerful and the powerless, the people and the threatening minorities.\u00a0In other words, populist parties, in order to succeed, instigate the natural human ability to categorize the social world in ways that stress existing social cleavages<\/u><\/a>. Consequently, a sense of common identity is defined by shared resentment and the ability to point out the alleged perpetrators of perceived grievances. In the specific framework of the populist radical right, the rhetoric is extensively guided by the idea that outgroups, generally identified with social minorities or underprivileged populations, have been favored, which results in the withdrawal of rights and privileges of the ‘local’ and dominant population (the in-group).<\/p>\n

Research<\/u><\/a>\u00a0in the field has already shown that populist communication features emotive language elements:\u00a0emotional appeals and generalizations are common strategies to create a scenario driven by negative emotions<\/u><\/a>. Besides, one of the most widely used tools by the far right politicians is the association of a negative emotion with an outgroup\/social minority. A series of studies conducted by psychologists have shown that\u00a0negative emotions underlie implicit bias if they are applicable to the socially constructed stereotypes attached to an out-group<\/u><\/a>. Consequently, the activation of a negative emotion associated with a group might lead associations with their underlying negative stereotypes.<\/p>\n

To illustrate the aforementioned, we present Andr\u00e9 Ventura, leader and founder of the Portuguese populist radical right party Chega, as an example.\u00a0Ventura’s social media history<\/u><\/a>\u00a0has shown that it disproportionately targets the Roma community,\u00a0\u00a0Mendes’ quantitative analysis<\/u><\/a>\u00a0of CHEGA\u2019s posts on Facebook has shown the prevalence of posts that contained the expressions \u201cgypsy\u201d and \u201cminorities\u201d, associated with negative prejudices. Furthermore, Ventura has systematically insisted on so-called problems with the Roma community, claiming that only a small percentage of \u201cthe gypsies\u201d live off their work. Andr\u00e9 Ventura\u2019s discourse concerning the Roma is\u00a0usually guided by intolerance<\/u><\/a>, exaggerated facial expressions and an aggressive tone. In one of his statements, Ventura alleged that \u201cit is common practice in the gypsy community to destroy houses, vandalize common spaces, default on rent payments, water, gas and electricity consumption<\/u><\/a>\u201d. It is possible to identify the instrumentalization of fear in his declaration by stressing a supposed violent nature of the Roma, which helps perpetuate a negative image of the group. In addition, Andr\u00e9 Ventura, in a skillful manner, attempts to arouse anger, by claiming that contrary to the \u201cgood Portuguese\u201d citizens, the Roma do not pay their taxes, which sustains the stereotype that this minority relies on government subsidies. This is a clear populist construct of \u2018us vs them\u2019, in which the virtuous people suffer at the hands of others.<\/p>\n

The cited phenomenon isn\u2019t limited to Portugal. Besides Ventura, Brazil’s former President Bolsonaro is a good example of the systematic manipulation of emotions deployed in far right populism. During 2022, in addition to the consequences of COVID-19, Brazil has faced an increased number of\u00a0Monkeypox cases<\/u><\/a>. In an interview held by a popular podcast, Bolsonaro deliberately\u00a0associated the disease with homosexuals<\/u><\/a>. According to David Pizarro, a prominent psychologist, disgust has been systematically associated with marginalized groups. One of the distinctive characteristics of disgust is that it can be\u00a0easily elicited and it works through association<\/u><\/a>. Therefore, when one disgusting thing touches a ‘clean’ one, the clean one becomes dirty. In other words, disgust can be a powerful tool when someone wants to convince one social group that another should be avoided, due to its disgusting characteristics.\u00a0Research in the field has shown that anger and disgust are related<\/u><\/a>\u00a0and a consequence of a common state of outrage elicited by a moral violation. The underlying emotion is directly associated with the personal mechanisms to punish the violator. Anger relates to direct aggression, such as yelling and insulting, whilst disgust predicts a preference for indirect means, especially social exclusion and defamation. Although a direct or causal relationship between these kinds of discourse and an increase in hate speech and hate crimes cannot be directly established, it certainly doesn\u2019t bode well that there is a growing, observable tendency for the\u00a0shameless normalization of far-right discourse<\/u><\/a>\u00a0in liberal democracies, and all the problems this entails.<\/p>\n

In conclusion, it becomes evident how\u00a0negative attitudes towards outgroups play a fundamental role in increasing political polarization<\/u><\/a>. The perpetuation of negative perceptions and prejudices towards certain groups in society may lead individuals to be more susceptible to persuasion by false information about said groups. As emotionally charged speech is more likely to go viral, in a society\/community already marked by conflictual relationships between its different communities and groups, prejudice may drive further polarization of society, creating a threat to democracy due to the unstable environment in which it operates.\u00a0Although some authors highlight how populism can benefit democracy, mostly from a left-wing perspective, the opposite can also be true. Right-wing populist discourse, due to its capacity for polarization and the mobilization of negative emotions like fear and anger towards out-groups, can create a hostile and undemocratic environment<\/u><\/a>.<\/p>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

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Juliana Tiemi Suguita<\/strong>, born in S\u00e3o Paulo, has a degree in Psychology from the Faculty of Psychology and Education Sciences of the University of Coimbra. She is currently in the first year of her Masters in Educational, Developmental, and Counseling Psychology.<\/p>\n

Laura Pacheco Pimentel<\/strong>, born on the island of S\u00e3o Miguel, Azores, has a degree in Psychology from the University of the Azores. She is currently in the first year of her master’s degree in Educational, Developmental and Counseling Psychology from the Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences of the University of Coimbra.<\/p>\n

Pedro Torcato Renda da Silva<\/strong>\u00a0is a 3rd year undergraduate student in Psychology at the Faculty of Psychology and Education Sciences of the University of Coimbra.<\/p>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n\n\t\t<\/div> \n\t<\/div>\n\t<\/div> \n<\/div><\/div>\n

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Source:<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n

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