{"id":1008069,"date":"2023-10-30T09:02:18","date_gmt":"2023-10-30T09:02:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/unpop.ces.uc.pt\/?p=1008069"},"modified":"2023-11-27T09:05:55","modified_gmt":"2023-11-27T09:05:55","slug":"identity-and-the-role-of-female-populist-leaders-in-modulating-narrative-emotions","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/unpop.ces.uc.pt\/en\/identity-and-the-role-of-female-populist-leaders-in-modulating-narrative-emotions\/","title":{"rendered":"Identity and the role of female populist leaders in modulating narrative emotions"},"content":{"rendered":"
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By Maria Izabel Braga Weber, D\u00e9bora Boa Morte, Carolina Branco<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

\n2023-10-30<\/em><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n
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This article is part of the UNPOP series – Unpacking Populism, published on a monthly basis and\u00a0<\/sub><\/em>edited by Cristiano Gianolla and Ma\u00edra Magalh\u00e3es Lopes.<\/sub><\/em><\/div>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n
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\u201cI believe we are the only party in Germany who is really fighting for women\u2019s rights \u2026\u201d (Alice Weidel,
\nGermany<\/a>)
\n\u201c\u2026in favor of the natural family and against the gay lobby\u201d (Giorgia Meloni, Italy<\/a>)
\n\u201cInfections occur especially in the southern districts, \u2026, due to the way of life that our immigration has
\nand the density of those districts.” (Isabel Diaz Ayuso, Spain<\/a>)
\nFeminists and progressives have a habit of ignoring Islamism\u2019s female victims, preferring to focus on
\nphantom reports of Islamophobia in the West\u201d (Safai, Belgium<\/a>)<\/p>\n

\"\"
\nElaboration by the aturhos based on: Isabel Diaz Ayuso: https:\/\/youtu.be\/p0QDAKWukJ4?feature=shared (Un Madrid Libre y una Espa\u00f1a unida. \u00a1Gracias Fuenlabrada!); Alice Weidel: https:\/\/youtu.be\/D2JUrz839i8?feature=shared (Die 5 schlimmsten Asyl-Bestimmungen! – Alice Weidel \u2013 AfD); Marie Le Pen: https:\/\/youtu.be\/ANDvtGBGQD0?feature=shared (La lutte contre l’hydre islamiste, en Isra\u00ebl ou en France, est un enjeu majeur !); Giorgia Meloni: https:\/\/youtu.be\/o-3-lN3bA9w?feature=shared (Extraordinary speech by Giorgia Meloni on UN Global Compact in Italian parliament, English subtitles).<\/em><\/p>\n

The year 2023 is significant for female political representation, as it is the first time in history that women parliamentarians have been elected in\u00a0every<\/a>\u00a0country where elections were held. Undoubted progress since\u00a0studies<\/a>\u00a0and research demonstrate that female representation in politics seems to strengthen\u00a0democratic values<\/a>\u00a0and be more\u00a0effective<\/a>\u00a0and\u00a0beneficial<\/a>\u00a0to\u00a0all<\/a>. Strong evidence exists of the association between female political empowerment and improvement in general health conditions. Regardless of the\u00a0numerical presence in parliament<\/a>,\u00a0other structural obstacles<\/a>\u00a0(social, political, and economic) still undermine women’s influence in decision-making positions, such as the feminization of poverty and unemployment, the \u2018dual burden\u2019, and masculinist stereotypes, among other structural and violent barriers accrued exactly from power asymmetries.<\/p>\n

However, women’s political participation rhetoric overshadows the reduction of gender inequalities (labor, education, health, economic, and political). As stated in the Manifesto of the AfD, pro-women narratives are contradicted by ambiguous policies: \u201c…we reject a gender equality policy with regard to equality of results\u201d.<\/p>\n

A decade back,\u00a0Pet\u00f6<\/a>\u00a0already raised this awareness by highlighting the underestimated attention to the rise of populist female leaders of far-right parties since a myriad of aspects stand tangled in it. At first, the colonial legacy of\u00a0far-right-wing ideology<\/a>\u00a0is based on the exclusionary\u00a0essence<\/a>\u00a0of the capitalist system that is always both raced and gendered. Secondly, the symbolic presence of female leaders drives a distorted populist far-right feminist discourse that evokes a production of subjectivities to justify segregation. Finally, the\u00a0emotional roots of far-right<\/a>\u00a0ideology pervade its feminist appeal and affect identity and solidarity bonds.<\/p>\n

The paradox of women voting against women\u2019s interests contradicts previous studies. In general, especially in\u00a0advanced<\/a>\u00a0democracies, women\u00a0vote<\/a>,\u00a0promote<\/a>, and\u00a0approve<\/a>\u00a0more progressive and inclusive policies. Young women tend to position themselves more\u00a0to the left<\/a>\u00a0(associated with increased\u00a0budgetary expenditures<\/a>) than young men on social, environmental, and gender issues, contrary to the previous\u00a0generation<\/a>. Similarly, women tend to vote more to the left when they have\u00a0daughters (sons lead to vote for the right)<\/a>\u00a0and are more likely to\u00a0transfer<\/a>\u00a0this tendency to their offspring. Secondly, there is a\u00a0gender<\/a>,\u00a0generational<\/a>, and\u00a0racialized<\/a>\u00a0pattern of supporters for far-right parties (mainly associated with white men or low-educated people) and the role of\u00a0partisan ideology<\/a>\u00a0in promoting more inclusive policies.<\/p>\n

Although still more women than men are voting to the left, this frame is changing, and recent studies have elaborated on the successful far-right parties\u2019 strategies to conquer women\u2019s votes. The vote for the radical right populist parties (RRP) in Europe (i.e., in the\u00a0last elections<\/a>\u00a0of\u00a0Spain<\/a>,\u00a0Germany<\/a>, and\u00a0Greece<\/a>) reflects it.<\/p>\n

But contrary to what Motov sustains, populism is not necessarily always gendered and dangerous. The problem is the RRP paradox of claiming to be a solution to an issue they worsen. Some RRP leaders\u00a0perform<\/a>\u00a0narratives that pose a threat to democracy under an\u00a0ultraconservative<\/a>\u00a0(sometimes associated with religious fundamentalism),\u00a0authoritarian<\/a>\u00a0nationalism, and\u00a0exclusionary<\/a>\u00a0neoliberalism.<\/p>\n

Misuse of the term populism has\u00a0negative<\/a>\u00a0consequences and considering populism as a weak ideology underestimates the effort necessary to its\u00a0limitation<\/a>. Reducing populism to a political strategy regardless of its ideological content leads to the disvalue of the (un)democratic potential of different parties. Regarding the exclusionary outcomes promoted, they may be distinguished by how they make people feel “what” and “where” are the political threats. In general, populist parties combine vertical (anti-elitism) and horizontal differentiation (us-them). On the one hand, RRP personalizes the horizontal threat with othering processes of migrants, LGBTQI+ people, or other minorities seen as not belonging (good citizens-marginals). On the other hand, for left populists, the threat is not personalized but generalized under a social and economic problem (globalists, transnational corporations, ultrawealthy that didn\u2019t pay taxes, imperialism).<\/p>\n

How can the emergence of women leaders worsening women\u2019s condition be explained in this scenario? The triad identity-subjectivity-solidarity provides an answer. Previous UNPOP articles partially analyzed this triad.\u00a0Montecchio and Griffini<\/a>\u00a0unpacked the\u00a0femonationalism<\/a>\u00a0of Marie Le Pen, and\u00a0Indelicato<\/a>\u00a0showed how femonationalism menaces gender-based solidarity.<\/p>\n

Anti-feminist<\/a>\u00a0and\u00a0anti-immigrant<\/a>\u00a0banners are typical examples of this femonationalism and the anti-feminist agenda. Based on chauvinistic myths as the core of the affective-discursive practice, femonationalist leaders synthesize distorted concepts of women’s freedom and rights under false equivalence joined with othering processes. The prohibition of headscarves for Muslim women is narrated against men’s oppression, concealing the Islamophobic reason. Muslim men are narrated as violent and a threat to women in general.<\/p>\n

These examples show the relevance of\u00a0identity and belonging<\/a>\u00a0to outline the extent to which a policy for women is feminist and emancipatory.\u00a0Subjectivity<\/a>\u00a0is instrumental in the identity formation of oppressed people. Feelings, language, symbols, signs, and discourse are intermingled in this subject-formation process. Collective emotions of\u00a0shame<\/a>\u00a0conduced once to the emergence of fascism and national socialism, and it has been considered the essence of this\u00a0century<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Thus,\u00a0interdisciplinary<\/a>\u00a0approaches to populism must consider the\u00a0social theory of identity<\/a>\u00a0and\u00a0emotions<\/a>. This helps to explain how political identities are created and operate at an individual and social level, how psychological attachment to a political group is created and sustained, and how political identities are politicized by\u00a0actors<\/a>\u00a0capable of developing an\u00a0emotional political narrative<\/a>. Through the symbolic synthesis of political myths that motivate positive or negative \u2013 but constantly mobilizing \u2013 emotions, these actors promote a sense of belonging. They shape the distinction between groups and the identification process of the individuals themselves and about the others.\u00a0Performativity<\/a>\u00a0is also fundamental in the populist narrative as it mobilizes emotions.\u00a0Protection<\/a>\u00a0is an example, as it mobilizes maternity, security, and women’s empowerment concerns.<\/p>\n

Femonationalist arguments can be effective during\u00a0unresolved and prolonged economic crises within Neoliberalism<\/a>. A low unemployment rate, precarious work, and social insecurity may constitute a threat to vulnerable groups (women, migrants) more exposed to precarious work conditions, amplifying\u00a0suffering<\/a>\u00a0(anxiety, insecurity, and uncertainty). Historical marginalization coupled with a crisis can facilitate women’s\u00a0disenchantment<\/a>\u00a0and\u00a0discontent<\/a>\u00a0with traditional politics.<\/p>\n

Populist narratives based on groups of emotions of\u00a0fear and anger<\/a>\u00a0(such as frustration, shame, resentment, and guilt)\u00a0influence<\/a>\u00a0the process between identity and political choices \u2013 frustration about not having a better job is added to the shame of not being able to sustain one own family.\u00a0Defense<\/a>\u00a0mechanisms<\/a>, such as denying or projecting, reflect on their political choice, generated by anger and resentment toward those deemed responsible (politicians, immigrants).<\/p>\n

Female<\/a>\u00a0populist leaders representing successfully empowered women have become providential to the RRP previously described as\u00a0M\u00e4nnerparteien<\/a>. A female leader defending restriction of welfare (to migrants) and redistributive policies under an\u00a0instrumental<\/a>\u00a0fight for women’s rights becomes appellative for marginalized and resented women, as shown by recent\u00a0filmography<\/a>. However, these policies propose ethnocentric, patriarchal, and exclusionary policies that are\u00a0prejudicial for all<\/a>, as observed during the COVID-19 pandemic.<\/p>\n

Caiani and Rosa<\/a>\u00a0analyzed the rhetoric of the foremost European female leaders. Nevertheless, electing women and their femonationalist discourse, disregarding their ideological affiliation, needs to be unpacked. We must go beyond the aim of reducing the gender gap in political representation. Alongside\u00a0Le Pen<\/a>\u00a0(France),\u00a0Weidel<\/a>\u00a0(Germany), and\u00a0Meloni<\/a>\u00a0(Italy), all leaders under this rhetoric, such as Safai (Belgium) or\u00a0Ayuso (Spain)<\/a>, have to be included. Manipulating shame can be a\u00a0misogynous<\/a>\u00a0politics<\/a>\u00a0since silencing women under exclusionary politics and conservative values. This\u00a0distorts<\/a>\u00a0the construction of identity and reinforces patriarchy and exclusion, limiting solidarity.<\/p>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

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Source: <\/b>Alice News<\/a><\/p>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n\n\t\t\t<\/div> \n\t\t<\/div>\n\t<\/div> \n<\/div><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"By Maria Izabel Braga Weber, D\u00e9bora Boa Morte, Carolina Branco 2023-10-30 This article is part of the UNPOP series - Unpacking Populism, published on a monthly basis and\u00a0edited by Cristiano...","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":1008071,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[47],"tags":[],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nIdentity and the role of female populist leaders in modulating narrative emotions - UNPOP - UNpacking POPulism<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"The year 2023 is significant for female political representation, as it is the first time in history that women parliamentarians have been elected in every country where elections were held.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/unpop.ces.uc.pt\/en\/identity-and-the-role-of-female-populist-leaders-in-modulating-narrative-emotions\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Identity and the role of female populist leaders in modulating narrative emotions - 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