{"id":1008124,"date":"2023-11-30T09:48:55","date_gmt":"2023-11-30T09:48:55","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/unpop.ces.uc.pt\/?p=1008124"},"modified":"2024-01-08T08:48:36","modified_gmt":"2024-01-08T08:48:36","slug":"affects-in-political-crises-towards-hegemony-through-populism","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/unpop.ces.uc.pt\/en\/affects-in-political-crises-towards-hegemony-through-populism\/","title":{"rendered":"Affects in political crises: towards hegemony through populism"},"content":{"rendered":"
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By Camila Massaro Cruz de G\u00f3es, Cristiano Gianolla<\/div>\n
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2023-11-30<\/em><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n
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This article is part of the UNPOP series – Unpacking Populism, published on a monthly basis and\u00a0<\/sub><\/em>edited by Cristiano Gianolla and Ma\u00edra Magalh\u00e3es Lopes.<\/sub><\/em><\/div>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n
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The current crisis of neoliberal hegemony, the proliferation of political formations understood as \u2018populist\u2019 and the radicalization of new social movements on a global scale are elements of a political conjuncture that challenge hegemonic political theories and institutions. This crisis, in the case of hegemony theories, follows the first two decades of the 21st century, when a group of theorists who identified hegemony as an idea of \u2018persuasion\u2019 and \u2018consensus\u2019, began to question it as political practice as well as its ability to produce realistic analyses. The rise of the far right over the last decades has strengthened the debate, a phenomenon often understood by its populist formations and hegemonic challenges to the neoliberal condition, not to mention the concept of \u2018consolidated democracy\u2019, a hitherto widely disseminated idea, until at least the 2016 election of President Donald Trump. In that regard, struggling with the difficult objectives of finding explanatory hypotheses, combating authoritarianism and renewing hopes for a democratic path, antiquated categories and study routes are frequently revisited. In order to understand why populism rises and succeeds or fails, it is important to set the framework in which it operates and to assess the substance of political crises which makes it thrive. This also helps explain how populism constructs a new hegemony, when the existing one is collapsing.<\/p>\n

Ernesto Laclau and Stuart Hall have contributed to understanding the relationship between populism and emotion through their \u2018theories of hegemony<\/a>\u2019. Both the Argentine philosopher and the Jamaican sociologist developed their works in moments of paradigmatic political crises, which gave rise to neoliberal hegemony throughout the 1970s and 1980s. This timeframe is also characterised by the increasing relevance of \u2018identity\u2019 in defining struggles within \u2018the political\u2019. To limit and clarify the domain of analysis it is important to outline the post-structuralist distinction between politics \u2013 governmentality or administration \u2013 and the political \u2013 the symbolic space of hegemonic dispute.\u00a0Chantal Mouffe<\/a>\u00a0has clearly made this distinction, whilst\u00a0Jacques Ranci\u00e8re<\/a>\u00a0defines the first as police and the second as politics.\u00a0 In order to analyse hegemonic construction, Laclau and Hall turned to Antonio Gramsci. The authors did not simply apply Gramsci; they drew on some of his writings to develop their own understandings of hegemony, rooted in the social and political transformations of their time, as shown by\u00a0Colpani<\/a>.<\/p>\n

The resumption of Laclau and Hall’s research agenda and the prominence of the word \u2018hegemony\u2019 in the literature have mobilised a lively debate among theorists around the so-called \u2018post-hegemony<\/a>\u2019 and its relevance (or not) for thinking about the contemporary world. According to one of its most influential intellectuals,\u00a0Jon Beasley-Murray<\/a>, post-hegemony combines a historical observation that the theory of hegemony \u2013 as advanced by Antonio Gramsci, more recently refined and developed by\u00a0Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe<\/a>\u00a0and engaged by cultural studies in general \u2013 no longer helps explain the contemporary social order, with the more radical claim that it has only ever appeared to do so. In\u00a0Peter Thomas<\/a>\u2019 words, \u2018the need for this renovation of political conceptuality is claimed to consist either in the exhaustion of hegemony as a political practice and consequent transition to a \u201cpost-hegemonic condition\u201d defining contemporary politics, or in the discovery of a theoretical failing at the heart of the concept of hegemony as such\u2019.<\/p>\n

There are, however, certain misconceptions in this debate, such as attributing the invention of the concept to Gramsci, as discussed by\u00a0Peter Thomas<\/a>, as well as crediting the Italian Marxist with a series of imputations that were actually elaborated by other intellectuals, with special emphasis on the space occupied by Laclau in this process of conceptual diffusion. Furthermore, readers of the Argentine’s work noticed a process of conceptual rapprochement or even identification between the ideas of \u2018hegemony\u2019 and \u2018populism\u2019, which has since received critical evaluation.<\/p>\n

According to\u00a0Mazzolini<\/a>, for example, \u2018what lies of the dissatisfaction with the excessive conceptual proximity between populism and hegemony in Laclau is that not all political projects that launch successful bids for power via the populist route manage to alter the conformism that lies at the basis of the social formation that they allegedly attempt to outdo\u2019. To illustrate this point,\u00a0Mazzolini<\/a>\u00a0recalls what became known as the \u2018pink wave\u2019 in Latin America in the 2000s and early 2010s. Despite the alleged hegemonic offensive against neoliberalism, the author considers that electoral success in countries such as Argentina, Brazil and Ecuador, alongside the clear change of leadership with regard to public policies, were not accompanied by a similar capacity to institutionalise their victories and radiate a different political culture in an expanded form. In this case, the populist moment failed to create a hegemonic narrative.<\/p>\n

Andy Knott<\/a>\u00a0identifies such populist mobilisations as competitive attempts to dispute the hegemonic order, however only one of these populist mobilisations can constitute a new hegemony. Knott also shows to what extent populism emerges out of a political crisis, whilst\u00a0Benjamin Moffit<\/a>,\u00a0Yannis Stavrakakis and colleagues<\/a>\u00a0have disentangled crises from its materiality, spelling out the way in which a symbolic dimension \u2013 affectively narrated in political discourse \u2013 is constructed. In this sense, for Knott, populism is counter-hegemonic, as it emerges in opposition to an existing hegemony that faces a material and performed crisis. Transition from populism to hegemony is however rare,\u00a0Stuart Hall<\/a>\u00a0demonstrated that Margaret Thatcher operated a successful populist intervention building on the materiality of the crisis of the post-WWII welfare state, as generated by 1970s neoliberalism, to create a hegemony of neoliberal populism through the\u00a0symbolic resignification<\/a>\u00a0of British politics. This generated a new \u2018common sense\u2019 neoliberal, hegemonic discourse that was able to impose itself on the political culture of Great Britain (and spread elsewhere).<\/p>\n

While populism would constructs an ephemeral political meaning that is mainly concerned with the total contestation of a political regime, hegemony would encompass a much subtler and diffusive form of political and social normativity, as already suggested by\u00a0Mazzolini<\/a>. Furthermore, hegemony would also define the ability to go beyond the superficial domain of \u2018passion\u2019 for a political project and reshape socio-political\u00a0habitus<\/em><\/a>. A new hegemonic order instils a molecular change that transforms subjectivities and stimulates far-reaching moral and ideological reform.<\/p>\n

The place of\u00a0habitus<\/em>\u00a0and affections in maintaining a social and political order has been one of the main lines of discussion among those who proclaim \u2018post-hegemony\u2019. They highlight the novelty of their elaborations as opposed to an insufficient version of hegemony.\u00a0Jon Beasley-Murray<\/a>\u00a0reinforces that \u2018post-hegemony\u2019 would entail a shift from conscious discourse to unconscious affect. That is to say, a shift from a rhetoric of persuasion to a regime of affective investment in the social, if by affect we mean the order of bodies rather than the order of signification. It would require, therefore, another kind of methodology, one that would be appropriate to the understanding of affect. But these two approaches are not irreconcilable, particularly when reading the elaboration of (counter-)hegemony in a Laclaudian sense, as generated by affects. For instance,\u00a0Emilia Palonen<\/a>\u00a0has constructed a formula to identify the creation of us-them frontier on different ranges of affects.<\/p>\n

Thomas<\/a>\u00a0has argued that it is a mistake to understand the \u2018theory of hegemony\u2019 as established by the debate of the 1970s and 80s, especially by the work of Laclau and Mouffe, as maximal development of Gramsci\u2019s initial idea. According to Thomas\u2019s critical view, the \u2018post-hegemony\u2019 perspective would simplify Gramsci\u2019s idea of hegemony by identifying it with a \u2018generic notion of \u2018consensus\u2019 conceived in terms of subjectivist consent to power, which is projected from the individual level to that of social classes and groups\u2019. Rather than mistakenly criticising Gramscian writings for neglecting the role of affects, Thomas indicates what is really neglected by post-hegemony theorists is Gramsci’s extensive discussion in his\u00a0Prison Notebooks<\/a>\u00a0of: the organization-disorganization function of common sense (Quaderno 11, \u00a712); the impact of \u2018molecular\u2019 transformism on the person (Quaderno 15, \u00a79) and; the integration of social, economic and affective organizations (for example, in the analysis of the novelty of Americanism: Quaderno 22, \u00a711). It is based on the attention he gives to these themes that Gramsci correctly emphasized the need to conceive the political not in a limited, administrative\/governmental sense, but in terms of a process of simultaneous and expansive \u2018intellectual and moral reform\u2019 (Quaderno 8, \u00a721, Quaderno 12, \u00a71). In Gramscian politics, there is no place for a dualistic vision that separates thought from feelings, since it is attentive not only to conjunctures, but also to the molecular transformations of actions, habits and affections, conceived all at once.<\/p>\n

A new reading of Gramsci that emphasises the\u00a0affective<\/a>\u00a0element of hegemonies, therefore attempts to overcome a binary framework based on habit and opinion, instead prioritising how affect and persuasion can contribute to the development of nuanced theorisation about populism and hegemony, which can also help develop a better understanding of the \u2018emotion narratives<\/a>\u2018 structure that conduce them. This endeavour we aim to bring forward in forthcoming research.<\/p>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

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